페이지 정보작성자 편집국 작성일20-08-17 18:01 댓글0건
[Reminiscences]Chapter 17. Korea Is Alive 1. Flames of Pochonbo (1)
Chapter 17. Korea Is Alive
1. Flames of Pochonbo (1)
Many people have already discussed\and made full studies of the Battle of Pochonborom the point of view of history. As one who\organized\and commanded this battle, I clearly recall my mental processes at the time, together with the events that took place. Scenes of battlerom half a century ago still unfold clearly before my eyes.
The Battle of Pochonbo can be compared to the reunion of a mother\and her children who have been separated by force. The gunshot at Pochonbo precipitated the reunion between my motherland\and her loyal sons\and daughters who had loved her most. In other words, this battle marked a decisive turning point in the liberation of my conquered nation.
Whenever I was asked on my return to the liberated homeland to recount some of the battles we had fought in our armed struggle against the Japanese, I used to describe the Battle of Pochonbo. In terms of results, we had fought innumerable battles much larger than this one. As a matter of fact the number of enemy soldiers\and policemen we killed here was not very large. Nevertheless, I always give the first place to Pochonbo when discussing the major encounters in the anti-Japanese war, because I attach special importance to it.
This battle was of great interest to many people. Enemy losses were not worth mentioning, since they had been covered by newspapers immediately after the battle, but everyone was curious about the motive for this operation. For instance, what made us fight this battle,\and why did we choose Pochonbo for our attack when there were dozens of towns\and villages of the same size in the border area?
In a broad sense, our attack on Pochonbo was designed to bring about the revival of the nation; in a narrow sense, it was to open up a decisive stage\and make a leap forward in the revolutionary struggle against the Japanese.
The history of the Korean nation had been streaked with blood\and tears, brought about by the Japanese imperialists. It was in reaction to this that our nation started its resistance. Armed struggle not only expressed the will of the sons of Korea to fight against Japan but it was a means to an end as well. Under the banner of anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution, we waged the armed struggle; at the same time we promoted the building of the party\and launched a united-front movement\and an anti-imperialist common front movement, thus pushing forward the revolution against the Japanese.
This road was fraught with difficulties. Some people went so far as to want us to obey only their party interests\and strategy, incriminating the Korean people who were fighting under the slogan of the Korean revolution.
From the first days of our revolutionary struggle we focussed on the Korean revolution as the starting point of all our thinking. Physically we may have been in a foreign land, but spiritually we had never left our homeland\and our fellow countrymen. Everything we didrom the second half of the 1920s on was for our homeland\and for its liberation. To fight under the banner of the Korean revolution was the legitimate right\and duty of every Korean communist: we strongly asserted this.
The Nanhutou meeting dealt mainly with the task of extending the armed struggle into the homeland.
The meeting expressed the aspirations of the Korean communists to make the loud sound of gunfire in Korea, that is, to extend our activities into the homeland so as to push forward the Korean revolution. During the first half of the 1930s, Manchuria was our main theatre of operations. Both before\and after the founding of the anti-Japanese guerrilla army, we had made forays into the occupied territories of our homeland on several occasions, but these activities had been\limited in scope.
Our preparations in the first half of the 1930s could be viewed as the stage of gathering our strength. In this period the armed force of the Korean communists grew to the extent of forming several divisions,\and we felt that if we advanced into the homeland now we would find almost nothing impossible to deal with. Should we establish our base on Mt. Paektu\androm there launch armed units to other areas—for instance, one division to Mt. Rangnim, a second to Kwanmo Peak, a third to Mt. Thaebaek\and a fourth to Mt. Jiri—to set up bases\and strike the enemy one after another, then the whole of the Korean peninsula would be brought to the boil\and 23 million Korean people would feel encouraged to turn out in an all-people resistance. This would pave the way for achieving national liberation by our own efforts, an event required by our national history\and the high point in the development of our anti-Japanese revolution. An event also that had been the topic of repeated discussions at a number of meetings held in Nanhutou, Donggang\and Xigang.
At Xigang in the spring of 1937 we summed up the years of our armed struggle, set the immediate task of advancing into the homeland by large force,\and took some practical measures to carry it out. We drew up detailed military operations for the revolutionary armed force to move in three directions. According to the plan of operations, Choe Hyon’s unit was to moverom Fusong to the northern border area across the River Tuman, via Antu\and Helong; another unit was to advance to the Linjiang\and Changbai areas;\and the main force, led by me, was to march to Hyesan\and harass the enemyrom the rear while the two other units were diverting the enemy attack. The main point of the operation was to attack the enemy on our own home ground. The activities of the 2nd Division, which was to advance towards Linjiang\and Changbai, were, in effect, aimed at providing rear support for the actions of the two units moving into the homeland. In those days no small number of our people had a misapprehension about the strength of the Japanese army. Surprised at the fact that the Japanese had swallowed up Manchuria at a gulp, they believed that no force in the world could match it. Some of them even contended that fighting a war of independence against powerful Japan was a reckless attempt akin to striking a rock with an egg.
There were clear indications that the Japanese imperialists would spread their aggressive war over to the mainland of China,\and that a Sino-Japanese War might break out at any time. The flames of war spread by the ferocious Japanese army would add to defeatist illusions about the “invincible imperial army”. Fears about the might of the enemy were a hallucinogen that would dull revolutionary consciousness. In\order to neutralize the poison of the drug it was necessary to shatter the myth of the Japanese forces. We had to show clearly that Japanese, though strong, could be both defeated\and destroyed.
Approximately five years of armed struggle in North\and West Jiandao between our forces\and those of the Japanese had smashed the myth of the enemy’s might. However, owing to strict news blackouts\and misleading propaganda, the outcome of the battles for our army was never shown to the public deep in the homeland in their true light.
We had precisely one strategic intention in pushing for an advance into the homeland:
If we launched an attack with a large force into our own home territory, the whole country would be caught up in excitement\and admiration for the feat. The people would be delighted at the arrival of an army of their own countrymen capable of destroying the Japanese imperialists\and liberating Korea. The pride they took in such an army would inspire the 23 million people with strength\and will to join courageously the front of national liberation.
In those days my mental efforts were directed at two goals: one was to shock the entire country by making an armed attack on major strategic points in the homeland; the other was to form a ramified network of underground\organizations that would prepare the people for anti-Japanese resistance. Consequently, when the decisive moment for national liberation came, we would destroy the Japanese imperialists\and achieve independence by combining the armed struggle with an all-people uprising. These were difficult tactics requiring much blood\and sweat, but there was no other alternative. All our activities in the areas of Mt. Paektu\and West Jiandao were thoroughly geared to the implementation of this strategy.
My greatest concern on the eve of our advance was to find out the homeland situation in detail. Publications could not provide me with all the information I needed, so I talked with many operatives who had been to the homeland. Occasionally I called members of underground\organizations in the homeland to learn the situationrom them. Newspaper reports of new statistics\and shocking events were not the only data I needed. Scenes in the marketplace\and women’s complaintsrom inns\and public houses were additional useful sources of important information ignored by Japanese-controlled news media.
The most valuable information we obtained was public opinion. Our major concern was about the people’s sufferings\and their thinking.
A member of an armed detachment, while making his work report to me in April\or May of 1937 on his returnrom the Manpho area, gave me an account of what he had witnessed in a mountain:
“I saw boys about ten years old, whose legs were as thin as chopsticks, gathering dead twigs in a pine grove. They said they had been beaten\and were picking up firewood to pay the penalty for carelessly speaking Korean at school. They were all second-year boysrom a primary school.”
The children said that the Japanese teacher had beaten their legs\and backs with a wooden sword until they were covered with welts\and then had made them sit on the playground for hours their heads covered with buckets. On top of all this, they had been fined. In that particular class, a pupil who spoke Korean once was fined five jon; twice, ten jon;\and if he spoke three times\or more, he was expelled. Other schools\or classes did not yet follow such regulations, only the class under the charge of the Japanese teacher. He was the only one to enforce the use of the Japanese language.
The penalty the Japanese imposed upon the Korean pupils who spoke their mother tongue was in itself not very surprising. What would they not do, the Japanese imperialists who had robbed the Koreans of their whole country? I had heard that the Government-General in Korea was bent on forcing the Koreans to speak Japanese. In a primary school in North Kyongsang Province the use of the Korean language had already been forbidden since late 1931. In the spring of 1937, the Government-General\ordered all the government\and public offices in Korea to begin writing official papers in Japanese.
All this was an inevitable development under Japanese rule. It was nothing new. Nevertheless, I could not repress a surge of indignation at the thought of it.
If a man is robbed of his language, he becomes a fool,\and if a nation is deprived of its language, it ceases to be a nation. It is recognized worldwide that the most important characteristics of a nation are a common language\and ties of blood.
A common language is the soul of a nation. Therefore, depriving the nation of its language by obliterating it is a brutal act which is as good as cutting away the tongues of all its members\and depriving them of their souls. Its language\and its soul are all that remains to the nation that has been deprived of its territory\and state power.
Hence, the Japanese imperialists were attempting to turn the entire Korean nation into a living corpse. Their attempt to make the Korean people “imperial subjects” did not consist of feeding them rice\or rating them “first-class citizens”, similar to the Japanese, but of making them slaves who were forced to bow in the direction of the Japanese imperial palace, visit a Japanese shrine\and chant the pledge of an “imperial subject” each morning.
Taking away the Korean language was not a matter that concerned the suffering\or death of only a few people. It concerned the destiny of a whole nation, for it was nothing short of genocide in that it resembled the act of lining up 23 million Korean compatriots\and cutting off their heads at a single stroke.
It is common knowledge that the primary features of colonmalists are barbarity, greed\and shamelessness. Those who rob another nation of its sovereignty are savage, cunning\and brazen, irrespective of their nationality\or colour of skin. Nevertheless, I had never before encountered colonialists as barbarous\and shameless as those who were depriving our nation of its spoken\and written language\and forcing our people to bow to their shrines.
Where was the destiny of the Korean nation headed? The facts I learnedrom the member of the armed detachment made my blood boil.
I said to myself: Let us advance on the homeland as soon as possible to teach the Japanese a lesson. Let us show them that the Korean people are alive, that they will not abandon their spoken\and written language, that they do not recognize the idea that “Korea\and Japan are one”\and that “Japanese\and Koreans are of the same descent.” Let them see\and understand that the Koreans refuse to be “imperial subjects”\and that the Korean nation will carry on an armed resistance till the fall of Japan. The sooner this advance is made, the better.
Early in May 1937 I received more surprising newsrom the homeland: a detailed account of the arrest of Ri Jae Yu, an important figure in the Korean communist movement, carried in a special edition of Maeil Sinbo. It was a full four-page edition\and it explained in excessive detail how the man who had been arrested six times\and escaped each time had been arrested for the seventh time. The newspaper vociferated that Ri Jae Yu had been in the “last ditch of the destroyed Korean communist movement”, that he had been the “last bigwig in the 20-year-long communist movement”,\and that his arrest had put an end to the Korean communist movement for good.
Bourgeois politics in general are characterized by intellectual trickery,\and as an official mouthpiece on the pay-roll of the bourgeoisie, the press makes it a rule to hide the real intent of the ruling class behind the printed words of the newspaper. The special edition of the Maeil Sinbo was no exception. A cursory glance revealed that it was an evil masquerade masterminded by conniving anti-communist schemers huddled behind the backdrop of the Government-General.
Ri Jae Yu was a renowned communistrom Samsu. He had crossed to Japan,\where he worked his way through school\and participated in the labour movement. After his return to Korea, he committed himself to the communist movement in Seoul. Mainly in charge of the\organizations under the Pacific Labour\union, he guided the labour\union movement\and the peasant\union movement in various provinces, travelling as far as the Hamhung area.
Rumour had it that he had escaped each time he was arrested, thanks to his courage, quick wits\and talent for disguise. The newspaper claimed that since it was now impossible for him to escape any longer, the final curtain had come down on the Korean communist movement.
The Japanese imperialists’ misleading propaganda\and persistent repression of the communist movement were actually confusing a large number of people. In this respect the enemy had considerable success. As the communist party had been disorganized, due to large-scale roundups,\and as it was reported that Ri Jae Yu’s arrest meant an end to the activities of a few remaining individual communists, the people’s disappointment\and frustration were beyond expression. Even among those who had been studying the communist movement as a branch of knowledge, not a few felt somewhat lost\and dispirited.
The enemy had chosen the right target, which was to disarm the Korean nation spiritually. They spared nothing to achieve this objective, alternating violence with words of honey.
The Japanese imperialists threatened the Koreans, levelling guns at them\and demanding, “Will you obey\or die?” At the same time they tried to appease them with honeyed words, such as: “Well, the Japanese\and Koreans are of the same descent,\and Korea\and Japan are one, so let us bow to the shrine together.” “Manchuria flourishes as a paradise of righteous government\and a concord of five nations,\and in Japan a blessed land full of cherry blossoms is awaiting you. You should therefore go to either Manchuria\or Japan to get rich.” “Plant cotton in the south, raise sheep in the north,\and lord it over the whole of Asia as subjects of imperial Japan.”
The most dreadful part of the tragic situation the Korean nation found itself in was the crumbling of the national spirit. Everything,rom the Japanese imperialists’ dictatorial machinery to records of pop songs, was concentrated on destroying Korea\and uprooting its very soul. Korea turned into a living hell. Endless darkness, like a pitch-black night, reigned over Korea,\and the night did not give way to daybreak despite the passage of days, weeks\and months.
Unless we put an end to this tedious night of slavery\and humiliation, how could we call ourselves men of Korea? We had to advance into the homeland as soon as possible\and revitalize the soul of the nation sufferingrom the long, drawn-out nightmare.
This was the thought that pressed our commanders\and men on during the preparations for advance. Passing through Tianshangshui\and Xiaodeshui to the tableland of Diyangxi in the middle of May, we reinforced the unit\and conducted propaganda to encourage the advance to the homeland. Meanwhile, I summoned Pak Tal\and met him in\order to learn in depth what the situation was in our native land.
Pak Tal gave me a surprising piece of information. He said that a large force of the enemy’s border guardsrom the direction of Hyesan\and Kapsan had been moving northward towards the Musan area, to which Choe Hyon’s unit had been marching. If the information was correct, Choe Hyon could not avoid being encircled. Of course, we had anticipated such situation, but it was a surprise that the enemy had reacted so quickly to the movement of the revolutionary army. Choe Hyon, in command of his unit, had left for his area of operations in April 1937 after the Xigang meeting. As he was leaving, I had told him that he should guard against Ri To Son’s unit in Antu, for this was the most stubborn of the “punitive” forces in Manchuria.
To begin with, Ri To Son had served a large landowner of Xiaoshahe, Shuang Bing-jun, acting as the commander of his private army. I had often heard that he suppressed the tenant farmers at the point of bayonets while living a dissolute life. Attacked by the guerrilla army several times, Ri To Son would often make surprise raids on villages, setting fire to them\or beheading the villagers because, he said, the poor were all on the side of the communists. The inhabitants harboured a hatred for him that grew greater with each passing day.
Fully aware of the bestial temperament of Ri To Son as a top-level vassal, the Japanese imperialists had appointed him commander of the Antu “punitive” force under the Jiandao Garrison Headquarters. His unit was composed of scoundrelsrom the propertied class who hated the revolution. Ri To Son’s special feature was that he never took prisoners—never sent back alive those who had been caught in his web. He was a top marksman, recognized as such by both friend\and foe.
Choe Hyon moved northward along steep mountain ranges, fighting battle after battle\and luring the enemy deep into Fusong. Here he suddenly changed direction to march into the Antu area. But in Jinchang his unit was faced with a difficulty. The river the unit needed to cross was flooded,\and while some of his men were improvising a bridge, the rest took a break. No sooner had the exhausted soldiers fallen asleep than Ri To Son’s unit swooped down on them\and opened fire. Heavy fighting went on between the two sides, both taking cover behind slag-heaps dumpedrom a local goldmine.
In this battle Ju Su Dong fell. At first the enemy took the initiative\and appeared to be winning. However, Choe Hyon, who took the command in Ju Su Dong’s place, immediately reversed the unfavourable situation\and dealt a heavy blow at the enemy with a powerful counterattack. While the two sides were fighting, the goldminers shouted that Ri To Son was getting away. They probably knew him well. The guerrillas chased after him\and shot him dead with a barrage of machine-gun fire. Choe Hyon’s unit pursued the fleeing enemy for four miles\and annihilated them.
The battle of Jinchang became famous, for it took vengeance upon the people’s enemy. The news of Choe Hyon killing Ri To Son\and wiping out the “punitive” force was given wide publicity by the newspapers of that time. Choe Hyon was a renowned soldier, but the advance of his unit to the Musan area was at the expense of a painful loss: they lost Ri Kyong Hui, known as the “Flower of the 4th Division”.
The news of her death brought everyone to tears.
Ri Kyong Hui’s family were all ardent patriots who laid down their lives fighting for the revolution. When she was a child, she lost her brothers, uncles\and grandmother. Her father was a guerrilla. Ri Kyong Hui, too, joined the army in\order to avenge the death of her relatives. At first the commanders were reluctant to admit her into the army: she was too young for one thing,\and for another, if she took up arms as well, there would be no one to carry on the name of her family. They could not dissuade her, however,\and finally accepted her into the army.
The soldiers were as devoted to her as they would have been to their own daughter\or sister, calling her the “Flower of the 4th Division” because she was not only pretty\and charming but also hardworking\and kind-hearted. Her dancing\and singing—her special skills—were the pride of the unit. When she joined the guerrilla army the commanders had given her a pistol, thinking that a rifle was not suited to this weak girl of small stature. But she was not satisfied with the pistol in battle\and carried a carbine with her. It is said that whenever she danced with the carbine on her shoulder, her comrades-in-arms clapped\and cheered\and requested her that she do an encore.
Ri Kyong Hui had an extraordinary ability to cheer up the unit. If a soldier was angry\or dispirited she would joke with him\and buck him up. When she danced\or sang a song, soldiers who had broken downrom exhaustion would get back on their feet. She was adept in needlework\and embroidery,\and the tobacco pouches she made were everyone’s pride\and joy. Even coarse herbs were said to become a delicious dish when cooked by her.
In battles with the “punitive” forces, Ri Kyong Hui usually took her place at a small distancerom her comrades-in-arms\and picked off the enemy by taking careful aim\and counting the number of troops she killed. In one battle she shot six enemy soldiers. As she was reloading her rifle, two\or three more of them escaped. Exasperated at missing them, she shed tears\and bit her lips.
When the three units that had been operatingrom three different directions held a joint celebration of guerrillas\and people at Diyangxi after the Battle of Pochonbo, Choe Hyon told me about the death of Ri Kyong Hui. As he spoke, he wiped his eyes with his handkerchief. Seeing the tears falling silentlyrom the eyes of this tiger-like man, I was aware of how painful the loss of Ri Kyong Hui was to all of us.
As Choe Hyon held the mortally wounded Ri Kyong Hui in his arms, her blood flowed in a stream through his fingers.
“This is the homeland, isn’t it? I am lucky to have trodden our native soil at last. All of you, please fight well. Fight for me.”
These were Ri Kyong Hui’s last words as she died in Choe Hyon’s arms.
Later on her father was killed by the enemy as well, when he came to the Hoeryong area on a mission to the homeland. Thus, father\and daughter were both buried in their native soil. After the liberation of the country, Ri Kyong Hui’s comrades-in-arms went to the Musan area at my request\and made every effort to find her remains, but failed. They could not recall the exact place of her death, for she had been buried level with the ground in the midst of battle,\and so it was impossible to discover her\whereabouts.
Thus we advanced into the land of our birth, treading the stepping-stones laid so tragically at the cost of the lives of our comrades-in-arms.
Choe Hyon’s unit advanced into the Pulgunbawi area in Musan,\where it hit the enemy, then disappeared over the Manchurian border for some time. It resurfaced to attack lumber yard No. 7, at Sanghunggyongsuri, of the Japanese lumber business, southeast of Mt. Paektu,\and moved swiftly in the direction of Pegae Hill. The enemy’s special guard forces\and military\and police forces in Hyesan, Hoin\and Sinpha proceeded in quick response towards Pegae Hill along the road on the border. Choe Hyon sent a messenger to us with a brief report of the situation, but did not request support. He got in touch with us just to inform us of the enemy’s movements, for our reference in the operations. Choe Hyon was not a man to admit difficulties\or ask for help.
There was not a shadow of doubt that Choe Hyon, a veteran soldier, would extricate himselfrom the difficult situation. However, we could not afford to be optimistic about the changing battle situation. This unexpected situation had a serious effect on our operations. We had to work out flexible tactics that would save Choe Hyon’s unitrom the danger of complete encirclement\and simultaneously push ahead with the advance into the homeland.
I summoned the commanding officers\and put a series of questions to them: The 4th Division has been surrounded by the enemy, I told them. Choe Hyon says that he can break through by himself. Should we do nothing to help him, believing his decision to be a correct one?\or should we put off our advance into the homeland to save his unit first? Another possibility is to advance into the homeland first, then take action to save his unit. If none of these solutions is desirable, should we divide our main force\and undertake the operations in two directions at once? Which area in the homeland will be ideal for us to attack in\order to save Choe Hyon’s unitrom encirclement?
Everyone focussed his attention on me. With things being so serious\and pressing, the argument that followed was heatedrom the start. The officers were mainly of two opinions.
One was that we should first save Choe Hyon’s unit by strikingrom behind the northward-surging enemy\and then push into the homeland when developments permitted it. Many other comrades rebuffed this opinion, however. They said that while there was no doubt the main force would succeed in the rescue operations, the shooting would attract the attention of the enemy forces in the border area\and West Jiandao, which would then dash along the shortest roads available\and surround the main force.
The other opinion was that since Choe Hyon’s unit was strong enough to break through the encirclement by itself at any cost, we should keep to the\original plan\and attack Hyesan on the enemy’s first line of defence along the border as soon as possible. This action would throw the enemy into confusion\and force it to lift the encirclement in\order to turn back to\where the battle was raging.
However, this idea was also rejected as being too risky. Strong as Choe Hyon’s division was, it might have become exhausted in the course of repeated battles\and long marches\and might have been unable to break through the encirclement. In addition, it was not certain that the enemy forces, which were moving northward far away in the Musan area, would lift their encirclement if the main force attacked Hyesan.
I proposed a plan combining the two operations into one:
“We have to advance into the homeland at any cost, hence we cannot change\or cancel this plan of operation. At the same time, we must save Choe Hyon’s unit quickly. It is inconceivable that we abandon our revolutionary comrades in the jaws of death because the advance into the homeland is important. There is only one way out. We must strike at one specific point in the homeland, the point that will enable us to attain both goals at once.”
The officers could not hide their curiosity about the “one specific point”. Ri Tong Hak asked me on behalf of everyone which place I had in mind.
I continued my explanation over the map.
“In choosing our point of attack, we must take into account the following aspects: The place must be close to Pegae Hill, on which the enemy forces are concentrated. Only by attacking here can our advance into the homeland have an effect on the two objectives. The key point closest to Pegae Hill is Pochonbo, situated midway between the hill\and Hyesan. If we attack Pochonbo, the enemy concentrated on the Pegae Hill area will find itself in a danger of being surrounded by both our main forces\and Choe Hyon’s unit. They will then be forced to abandon their plan of encirclement\and pursuit\and will withdrawrom the line they have reached. Moreover, an attack on Pochonbo will have as strong an impact on the homeland as an attack on Hyesan. Therefore, our aim of advancing into the homeland will also be achieved. The key to solving the problem is an attack on Pochonbo.”
The commanding officers nodded approvingly.
I then put the following questions to them.
“In\order to attack Pochonbo we have to take several things into consideration. First, can our force of several hundred break through the enemy’s tight borderline surveillance in such a way that we hit them like lightning, then withdraw at the same lightning speed? Second, this battle is not a mere firefight. Our main task in this battle is to inspire the people back home with confidence in our victory; this means that we must combine the firefight with strong, swift political propaganda. Can we undertake a quick propaganda campaign such as this? Third, on this occasion we intend to create a model of joint operation between our revolutionary armed force\and our underground\organizations to strike at the same target. Is that possible?”
The commanding officers were once again enveloped in an atmosphere of tense concentration: the three challenges were not simple. Kwon Yong Byok broke the silence in a voice that carried weight.
“Comrade Commander, we can do it. Just give us the\orders!” “Can you say that with absolute certainty?”
“Of course. Pochonbo is a part of the homeland, isn’t it?”
I felt elated, as if I had shouted the answer myself rather than heard itrom someone else. What a coincidence that he should be thinking just as I was. The other comrades no doubt would have answered the same way, for it was a reply that was in everyone’s heart.
There was no reason why we should not win the battle in our beloved homeland, the land that had given us our lives\and our souls—we, the communists of Korea, who had been victorious in every battle, fought in the rains\and snowstorms of a foreign land.
Our meeting was brief but full of discussion. The exact details of what was said have slipped my mind with the passage of time, but I still remember clearly Kwon Yong Byok’s confident voice declaring, “Pochonbo is a part of the homeland, isn’t it?” Even as we set out on our historical advance into the homeland, our hearts were heavy with resentment\and anger at the thought of our ruined nation, the land of our forefathers, deprived of its great entity.
등록된 댓글이 없습니다.